Indigenous Australians and the 1967 referendum
The referendum of 1967 meant that for the first time in history the native ancestors of Australia were recognised for what they truly were; people. The decade long campaign, for aboriginal rights and equality was but a part of the age old struggle for equality, that lead to the change in Australias constitution and a change in the lives of the millions that the constitution affected. The efforts of the FCAATSI legislative committee and the parliamentary debates to change the referendum lead the aboriginal people on the road to the universal concept of equality. The eradicarion of two negative connotations lead to the removal of the sesqui-century old visceral hatred of the aboriginal people, and governmental support for the first time no matter how they lead their lives.
Earlier attempts to change the referendum allowing commonwealth to pertain power over aboriginal people go back to the first 10 years after the formation of the federation. Various activists such as William Cooper(A respected aboriginal activist) and Bessie Richbieth had argued that commonwealth should have the right to legislate the various affairs of aboriginal people. One such occasion was evident and put to light when in 1929 a representative of the anti slavery socety Archdeacon Lefroy brought forth a request for referendum on the commonwealth responsibility over the affairs of the natives, arguing that the aborigines, upon being dispossesed their lands “should be made a national responsibility because all Australia owes them a debt” as did William Coopers early attempt in 1938 for a Day of Mourning. The break of war the following year did however mean political activism and heedfullness of the topic at hand was slowed. These instances had little to no effect on the referendum with the majority rejecting federal control of aboriginal affairs. The referendum proposed was however a midge in the viewpoints of respectable white society and began the start of a new dawn leading to it becoming socially acceptable for the commonwealth to undergo the stewardship of aboriginal rights and responsibilities. Throughout the era of the mishandling of the native people various attempts to change the rights and freedoms of the Aboriginal Australians met a dead wall. These attempts were “ahead of their time” and were otherwise unheard of.
Petitions and campaigns were an significant methods for mobilising support of the indigenous civil rights, being effective up until the eventual changing of the referendum as a whole. These petitions took place as early as 1957. The most significant event of these was the national petition campain of 1962–63. In 1962 the FCAA(Federal Council for Aboriginal Advancement) decided at their yearly conference that they would launch a petitional campaign aimed at collecting a quarter of a million signatures from Australia. There were various allusions to “discrimination” leading to “deprivations of Aborigine wages” and rights(Act 1944 natives) throughout the petition which perpetuated to the solid time period of 12 months, to October the following year reaching short of the bullseye with over 100, 000 signatures, impressive considering the time spent upon the gargantuan feat(weekends,etc). This was a big event at the time and ended with a positive result, that of which was the Menzie governments indirect encouragement of his constitutients appealing the parliamentary assembly. This was perhaps one of the first united examples in which “respectable” white society banded together in a mass attempt to change the rights and freedoms of the aboriginal people and their social status in turn.
The FCAATSI was formed in 1958. It was a left wing legislative committee that had taken resolved to ensure the continuation of the Constitutional amendment.The organisation chairman, Lorna Lippmann decided to write to the varying members of parliament stating that ‘the federal government may take positive steps to improve the lot of Aborigines’. Don Chipp voiced her concern that if that if the phrase ‘other than the aboriginal race in any State’ was removed the government could discriminate Aboriginal people. Lippmann responded by pointing out that that had not prevented commonwealth abuse so far. In February 1966 Barrie Pittock, Lippmanns successor edited the petition to point out that the phrase was in itself discriminatory. Petitioners signed the form asked for the decade old custom; that the commonwealth pertain power to “ make laws for advancement of aboriginal people”. Affiliates of the committee had conceptualized dreamt of a future where aboriginal people would be able to asscociate with an education or arts board. This could however only be achieved through the changing of the constitution; the storm had only just begun.
The final struggle was upheld in the campaigning for a “YES” vote. On a regular basis there is the matter of opposition…. not surprisingly there was none. Churches came out in a “YES”, the FCAATSI began a “vote yes” directorate lead by Joe McGinness andGordon Bryant and it was the FCAATSI, as opposed to the government, which lead the appeal. Their efforts were driven by the simple fact that their case had to be indestructible enough to convince the federal government that they had a responsibility over the aboriginal people. At this stage the various discriminatory statements within the referendum had been removed by the commonwealth and states . The fight continued and the austrlalia had if only by a hairslength moved close to the to changing the constitution and by doing that the rights and freedoms of the aboriginal people.
It had finally come. On May the 27th of 1967, 90% of voters had finally agreed to the constitution. The fact that they had as a whole won by a landslide was crucial and made it increasingly difficult for the government to forget or misuse its new abilities. This was all in all the reap at the end of the harvest and was a momenty of happiness and righteousness. Despite this and through understanding the importance of the referendum Joe McGinness warned that wining was “ and important step- But only a first step”He told his supporters about the fact that they still had various work to do, among this was the need to leislate education, housing, wages and other neccessary components of the constitution that were truly neccessary for the rights and freedoms of all members of Austrlaia to truly change. Aboriginal peoples still had to to remove not just the obstacles evident in the referendum but the hatred and despise of ancestors long gone. The plight of the aborigines had only just begun.
The aftermath was deeply varied dependent upon the member of society. The indigineous population as represented by Charlie Perkins referred to instance as the moment of truth were the whites showed who they truly were. Various aboriginal and islander activists that had spent their whole lives under abuse were emotionally moved by those supportive of their cause. They were visible to those around them. On the other hand there were a minority of aboriginal people that viewed the issue as having a negative effect upon themselves “It didnt really change everyday life”. Parliamentary responses to the matter at hand were just as confused. Charles Barne, minister of territories, viewed it as favourable. Eventually after five months prior voted in the complete affirmative for federal power in aboriginal affairs and a council was at long last set up. This council became a key figurehead for the next group of years, advising the government.
This was all in all a positive end to a the efforts put in, by the many men, women and families active in its procedure, and was a crucial event in earning the rights and freedoms of aboriginal people. Equality and the changing of the referendum were one step closer. After living under Australian soils for over 40, 000 years Aboriginal people could finally call themselves Australians.
References:
All information comes from http://indigenousrights.net.au/default.asp
